| September 1, 2009 American Health Care: Best in the World? One obstacle to health care reform is the widespread perception that the quality of American health care (not necessarily the system, but the quality) is the “best in the world.” If it’s the best in the world, one might reason, then tinkering with the system that produces it might threaten its state-of-the-art capabilities. Well, an interesting paper was released last month. Authored by two Urban Institute scholars, Elizabeth Docteur and Robert A. Berenson, the paper reviews dozens of studies comparing the quality of U.S. health care to that of other countries. The evidence, they conclude,
And they observe, rather damningly: “the main ways in which the United States differs from other developed countries are in the very high costs of its health care and the share of its population that is uninsured.” So American health care, like that of any country, has strengths and weaknesses. Among the strengths are cancer screening and treatment, diabetes care, hip fracture treatment, and senior flu vaccination. Among the relative weaknesses are asthma care, renal disease treatment, overuse of procedures, and patient safety. Many of these findings, it seems to me, should not be surprising:
Some have argued that raw mortality numbers aren’t a decisive metric for head-to-head comparisons of different countries’ health-care systems, since lifestyle factors may play a large role in mortality outcomes. So to more narrowly focus on deaths plausibly attributable to a country’s health-care capabilities, Docteur and Berenson use the concept of “amenable mortality” —that is, deaths before age 75 from conditions considered amenable to treatment by medical care such as treatable cancers, diabetes, and cardiovascular disease. The results, however, are no more encouraging than the raw mortality numbers. And the U.S. ranking in amenable mortality, among 19 countries considered in one well-known study, somehow slipped from 15th to 19th place between the late 1990s and early 2000s: ![]() ![]() (Data from Ellen Nolte and C. Martin McKee; diagrams from a Commonwealth Fund summary of the findings.) What amenable mortality statistics can’t tell us is the extent to which poor health outcomes arise from poor quality of care and the extent to which they arise from poor access to care. The question matters since if access is the main problem, American health could be greatly improved by expanding secure access to more people, e.g., to people under age 65. One passage in the Docteur-Berenson piece that caught my eye was this one about cancer care:
Then there’s this observation about younger patients:
In sum the U.S. appears to be very good at cancer care for older patients, but curiously mediocre for younger ones. The following diagrams, showing five-year survival rates for various types of cancer for different age groups (and for both sexes unless otherwise indicated), bear this out. (The U.S. is represented by the thick red lines.)
(Data: U.S.: Surveillance Epidemiology and End Results (SEER); Europe: Eurocare.*) We find that:
What makes for effective cancer care? The biggest factor, say Docteur and Berenson (citing a study by Coleman et al.), is “access to diagnostic and treatment services.” And of course regular screening is something the uninsured and underinsured (a large segment of the under-65 population) generally lack. More broadly, better cancer survival rates “are associated with higher national income levels, higher levels of expenditure on health, and higher investment in health technology, as proxied by indicators such as the rate of CT scanners per person.” Thus the amenable mortality numbers shown above are neither a fluke nor a product of lifestyle alone, but a reflection of a health-care system that caters well to one class of patient—elderly and suffering from emergency health conditions—but poorly to the bulk of the population. American health would obviously be much improved if all citizens could avail themselves of the care currently available to one select class of people. *These data are if anything biased in favor of the U.S., since the U.S. data are for 1999-2005 while those for Europe are for 1995-1999 (reflecting data availability). |
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